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The Balance of Benefit

A Review of Intergenerational Transfers in Australia

^a School of Behavioural and Community Health Sciences, The University of Sydney, Australia

Decision Editor: Laurence G. Branch, PhD

	Abstract

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Purpose: This article reviews the financial and nonfinancial transfers taking place intergenerationally and between older people and the community. Design and Method: Secondary data were used in the analysis and discussion to provide an overview of the Australian context. Results: Within the public arena, governments provide major financial contributions through money transfers and the provision of residential support. Older people provide considerable community support by undertaking voluntary services. This article concludes that the balance of benefit is difficult to determine; however, in terms of public expenditure older people are major recipients. Within the family, the balance of benefit is reversed. Older people are major monetary contributors to adult children and their families in the transition to an independent status. Older people are also the principal carers of their frail-aged part-ners, thus reducing both the burden of care on their adult children and government institutions. Implications: The anal-ysis reported here has major implications for the development of policy and structural change and for reducing negative stereotypes of dependency in old age.

Key Words: Intergenerational transfer • Government transfers • Aged care • Monetary contributions • Voluntary contributions

Throughout the world a gerontological transition is occurring. There is, on the one hand, a widespread celebration of the achievement of longevity, and countries vie to achieve long life expectancy. This is seen as demonstrating a high quality of life. At the same time, the demographic transition taking place throughout all advanced industrialized countries is making alarmist media headlines. The basis of these headlines is fear for future generations and particularly the financial implications for governments. This fear is exemplified by the title of a World Bank publication, Averting the Old Age Crisis (World Bank 1994). Service providers also express concern about the ability to cope with increasing demands on a reducing workforce. As life span extends and, in percentage terms, the younger generation contracts, arguments are advanced that the aging burden will affect the structure of the family and community, the taxation system, and workplace conditions.

Australia's population in 1998 reached 18.5 million of whom 12.1% were older than the age of 65 years (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 1998b). In 1947, only 8.1% were aged older than 65 years. Of even more significance, proportionately the fastest growing sector of the population is that sector older than the age of 80 years (2.7%). While these proportions are not high by world standards, they do have serious implications because of the rapidity with which the change is taking place. According to United Nations calculations, Australia has the third highest percentage annual increase in the 80 years and older age range (Gibson 1998). In Australia, the median age in 1911 was 24 years; this had risen to 34.3 years by 1997 and is projected to reach 44.1 years by 2051. People older than the age of 80 years will represent 8.4% of the population (ABS, 1999b). Life expectancy has also been rising. In 1890, men's life expectancy was 54 years and women's 59 years; if they reached the age of 60 years, men could expect to live another 14 years and women 16 years. In 1997, men's life expectancy was 75.6 years and women's 81.3 years; at 65 years men could expect to live another 16.1 years and women another 19.8 years (ABS,1999b). At the same time, despite the incorporation of age in antidiscrimination legislation and the consequent abolition of compulsory retirement, workplace attachment has decreased. These trends have negatively affected dependency ratios. Given this demographic transition and the often pessimistic outlook of the media and policy makers, what is not given much public consideration or is not factored into the fiscal equation is the amount of benefit, both fiscal and human, that is available to families and the community from older people. This article provides a review of the ways in which transfers of both money and labor of older Australians benefit families and the community. Rather than being seen as a burden, the article concludes that older Australians are continuing contributors.

The article has three main foci: (a) government and community transfers to older people; (b) the financial and physical contributions made by older people to the continuing generation; and (c) the contributions made through voluntary work, particularly that made by older women. There is a brief, speculative discussion of the social changes taking place in health and retirement patterns that have the potential to radically moderate the current dependency ratios.

	Characteristics and Resources of Older Australians

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In order to assess the ability of older Australians to make contributions to their families and the community, it is first necessary to describe their characteristics, values, and resources. Edgar 1991(p. 18) has argued that the coming generation of older people will be "better educated, healthier, wealthier, better housed and more self sufficient than any previous generation of the elderly." The figures released annually by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (1976, 1994b–1999b) substantiate his analysis. Increasing longevity and decreasing workplace attachment have effectively expanded the period of retirement (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare [AIHW], 1998; Legge, Cant, O'Loughlin, and Waite 1996). Further research indicates that it is only in the 75+ age group that disability becomes significant (AIHW 1998). Australia, therefore, has a generation with the resources and leisure not only to enjoy themselves but to contribute positively within the family and the broader community. Laslett 1996 and Friedan (1993) have argued that people in the "third age" contribute by undertaking paid work, voluntary work, intrafamily support and by stimulating the development and use of leisure facilities such as libraries, museums, art galleries, and educational and travel-related industries. In the Australian context, research on intrafamily support showed that monetary and nonmonetary interchanges favor the younger generations (Kendig 1986; Glezer 1991; Wolcott 1998).

In Australia, resources in old age are usually seen as: (a) home ownership (Table 1 ); (b) superannuation (Table 2 ); and (c) health (Table 3 ). The rate of home ownership is one of the highest in the world, and this has been encouraged by successive governments and by a range of taxation policies (Olsberg 1997). The family home has been seen as a hedge against inflation. Home ownership has reached an all-time high for the current generation of older people. In 1995–96 approximately 85% of Australians older than the age of 65 years were home owners (ABS, 1998b). Government policies of successive political persuasion have enabled people to accumulate capital within the family home, through the exclusion of the home from the definition of assets for the purpose of aged pension entitlements, death duties, nursing home placement, and capital gains taxes. The value of equity in owner-occupied dwellings in 1995–96 was $690 billion (ABS, 1998b). Among those older than the age of 65 years, 96% of owner-occupiers are outright owners (ABS, 1998b). This is significant for two reasons: (a) home ownership is one of the best protectors against institutional care in a nursing home or hostel (Gibson 1998); and (b) because of the protection afforded by the federal and state governments to the preservation of an intact "family home," the succeeding generations will receive a substantial capital injection. Other sources of wealth are combined trustee accounts ($195.5 billion) and family business assets ($607 billion) that will be handed over in the next 10 years because of death or advancing years (Bye 1998).

Although female higher education enrollments have exceeded male enrollments since 1987 (ABS, 1997a), it will be many years before there is a significant equalization in educational attainment. As income level is closely correlated with education, security of employment, and hours worked, the position of older women will continue to be comparatively poorer than that of men regarding superannuation and workplace conditions. In 1997, average weekly earnings of full-time male employees was $740.70, and average weekly earnings of female full-time employees was $620.30 (ABS, 1998b). The major improvement for women in the past few years has resulted from the increasing availability of part-time work in tertiary occupations. Despite legislation to end discrimination against women in the workplace, there are still huge disparities in the pattern of employment for men and women. In 1992 women comprised 42% of employed persons, but they comprised only 32% of full-time workers and 75% of part-time employees. Among women with children, and women over the age of 60 years, more were employed part time than were employed full time. A survey by the ABS indicated that the reasons given by women for working part time were related to family responsibilities, whereas men's reasons were to accommodate study (ABS 1994b). This pattern has long-term implications for security of employment, promotion, and eventual superannuation.

The third resource of older people is their health status. Self-perceived health status is more important than actual health in determining quality of life and the will/wish to participate in the broader community. For women, 59.7% aged 65–74 years and 52.5% aged 75+ years perceive their health to be excellent or good; for men, the figures were 56.3% for the 65–74 age group and 56.4% for those 75+ years. Thus, the majority of older people report excellent or good health (ABS 1994c).

	Benefits From the Community

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Australia has a universal health care system (Medicare) that is funded from the general taxation system plus a levy of 1.5% on taxable income over a generous cutoff point (depending on number of dependents). Although all Australians are guaranteed free medical care, data provided by the The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW 1998) demonstrate that the dollar cost of medical services is almost four times higher for people over the age of 65 years ($4,919) than for the population under that age ($1,301). Aged pension entitlements are also a considerable budgetary impost. In 1996, 62.7% of people older than pensionable age were recipients of government-funded pensions. In the three years from 1994 to 1997, the budgetary impost rose from $11,734.222 million to $13,204.658 million. In 1997, the recurrent cost of nursing home care was $2,170.9 million (ABS, 1998b). Nursing homes and hostels are predominantly populated by women (73%). Overall, federal government budget provisions for aged care rose from $1,261.3 million in 1985–86 to $2,677.4 million in 1993–94 (in constant prices $1,534.4 million to $2,363.1 million), and the trend is expected to accelerate (AIHW 1997). Between the years 1993 and 2021, the number of women older than the age of 80 years will almost double, and it is this group of women who are most likely to occupy nursing home accommodation (ABS, 1997b).

Associated with direct financial transfers and the provision of nursing home accommodation, community transfers to older people include hostel accommodation, care in the community such as a visiting community nurse, meals-on-wheels, home handyman, or a visiting social worker (Gibson 1998). In addition to the Medicare provisions for all Australians, pensioners are entitled to prescription medicines and to services such as dental treatment and podiatry. Other public transfers associated with receipt of the aged pension include concessions in the cost of public utilities such as reduced telephone rental, electricity charges, water rates, transport concessions and, in some local government areas, municipal rates. A Seniors' Card is also available for people older than the age of 60 years who are not in full-time employment. This provides a small discount at a range of retail outlets and can be seen as a mutual benefit as it encourages seniors to patronize these outlets.

Data such as these are used to justify the often pessimistic view being expressed by the media and within some government organizations about the financial implications of the "aging crisis" in Australia. However, contributions made by older Australians to both their families and the community go a long way in redressing the perceived imbalance in such provisions.

	Benefits to the Community

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Older people throughout the world have always been contributors to their family and to the broader community. The World Bank 1994 itemized many of these transfers. In the United States of America researchers such as Hochschild 1973, Burton and Bengston (1985), and Friedan (1993) demonstrated the determination of older people, especially older women, to be independent, to continue contributing to their families, and to participate in the broader community. Benefits to the community are composed of transfers to the immediate family, by financial transfers and by helping their adult children caring for their children. There are also transfers to the broader community in the form of services such as voluntary work (Kinade et al. 1996). In reporting results from their national survey of contributions made by older Americans, Kinade and colleagues demonstrated the extent to which older adults could be defined as a community resource. Their research provided impressive evidence of the extent to which older adults supported their families and the community. Another study (Purchno 1999) demonstrated how and when grandparents contributed to the family and the community through instrumental caring for grandchildren, although Uhlenberg and Hammill 1998 argue the interchange is neither universal nor nondiscriminating (e.g., married maternal grandmothers were more likely to provide care than either paternal grandmothers or grandfathers). Interestingly, Uhlenberg and Hammill further argue that grandchild/grandparent dyads are essential in breaking down age-related stereotypes and increasing community integration.

Intrafamily transfers.
The intergenerational support experienced within Australian families is strongly in favor of the succeeding generations (Glezer 1991; Kendig 1986; Minichiello, Chappell, Kendig, and Walker 1996). The research of Day 1985 and Russell 1982 demonstrated that the situation most feared by older people was becoming frail and being a burden upon their (adult) children. The Australian Institute of Family Studies research has constantly shown that although adult children affirm their commitment to aging parents, in fact, it is the parents who are providing funds for deposits on homes and the purchase of major household equipment, as well as providing accommodation for adult children following a marriage break-up or when pursuing studies (Glezer 1991). Conversely, 67% of widowed women and 64% of widowed men live alone (ABS, 1996b). Two other areas of involvement for older women in particular are care of grandchildren for working daughters/daughters-in-law and the care of older men. Maternal grandmothers and paternal grandmothers provide 32% and 12% respectively of informal care for their grandchildren (ABS 1994b). In a recent newspaper article labelling working women with children as "Super Mums" comments made by one "super mum" reflected the responsibility taken by grandmothers, and the taken-for-granted attitude adopted by their adult children: "(M)y mum comes over every second week and stays for two nights. She baby sits for us and does all the ironing and the gardens. Andrew's (the husband) mum looks after the children one day a week" ("Super mums," 1999, p. 23). Glezer's 1991 research showed that, overall, 82% of grandparents assisted with grandchild-minding.

Women's longer life expectancy (ABS, 1998b) combined with the fact that women tend to marry men slightly older than themselves, means that older women are the main caregivers for older men. Same generation (sibling), intraspouse, and adult disabled children caring are the major forms of care provided by older Australians that relieve both governments and adult children of the financial and physical burden of care. Disabled adult children are primarily cared for within the family; only small percentages are in health establishments (Wenger, Grant, and Nolan 1996).

In 1996, the probability that older women will require a period in a nursing home or hostel at some time in the future was 0.26, whereas for men it was 0.12. However, because of the greater longevity of women, over 80% of nursing home beds are occupied by women (AIHW 1997; Heycox 1997). Nevertheless, it is not until they are older than 80 years of age that a high percentage of people require nursing home placement (Table 4 ). During the period of advancing frailty, many older people provide care for each other, and when help is needed, community services are utilized (Gibson 1998; AIHW 1997). As Rowland 1991 pointed out, the most significant factor in the prevention of institutionalization in old age is the existence of a partner. As a result of the care provided, governments are saved the financial burden of providing nursing homes. As can be seen in Table 4 , it is a small minority of older people who are institutionalized.

Research conducted by the Australian Institute of Family Studies (Glezer 1991) demonstrated a strong commitment by adult children to assisting aged parents: In a survey of 1,488 people aged 27–44 years, 75% of respondents agreed that children should help their aged parents, and 43% agreed that they should let their aging, dependent parents live with them (Table 5 ). However, such beliefs and attitudes are not put to the test. In the state of New South Wales, a higher proportion of old people lived in supportive accommodation (10%) than lived with younger generations, and the figures for aged people living alone are rising steadily. Between 1991 and 1996, the proportion of sole person households had risen from 19.5% to 21.9%; the majority of these households are of people older than the age of 65 years (ABS 1997c). The number of people in homes for the aged exceeds the number of people sharing accommodation with younger family members, whereas the age for leaving parental accommodation is rising (ABS 1997c). Research conducted by The Australian National University's Ageing and Family Project (Kendig 1986) and by The Australian Institute of Family Studies (Glezer 1991) demonstrated that for all generations the flow of assistance was down through the generations. In Glezer's study 16% of adult children provided financial assistance to parents and parents-in-law, whereas 33% of adult children received assistance for deposits on apartments or houses, and 37% received assistance for major household equipment such as a car or refrigerator (Table 6 ).

Another form of transfer is the continued use of the parental home by adult children. Major reasons for continuing to use this accommodation include: (a) the cost of housing; (b) attendance at tertiary educational institutions; (c) delayed marriage ages; (d) marriage breakdown; and (e) rising cost of living and the services provided at "home" (cooking, cleaning, washing, etc.; Rowland 1991; ABS, 1999b). Where joint households exist McCallum and Geiselhart 1996 point out ownership of the house is more frequently that of the older parents.

Transfers to the community.
Transfers to the community by older Australians are primarily through participating in voluntary work. The Australian Bureau of Statistics (1997b) defines a volunteer as someone who willingly gives unpaid help in the form of time, service, or skills through an organization or group. People of all ages perform voluntary work in diverse settings such as emergency services, bush fire brigades, nursing homes, public educational settings (museums, art galleries, zoological garden guides, The University of the Third Age), and charitable foundations (Encel and Nelson 1998). The Australian Bureau of Statistics (1995b) has estimated the annual value of voluntary work as $18.1 billion. This estimate was analyzed by age groups, but the report points out that the two peak periods for volunteering are the child bearing/rearing years and the post-retirement years. For example, people older than the age of 65 years were more likely to be involved in voluntary activities than were people aged 34 years and younger. The report also emphasized that the definition of voluntary work employed by the ABS excludes the major work of neighborliness and interfriendship transfers. In a study of blue-collar workers approaching retirement (Legge et al. 1996), it was found that all the female respondents in focus groups conducted for the research were planning to do voluntary work upon retirement in addition to helping their adult daughters with their family commitments.

In 1995, the rate of volunteering in Australia was 19% for people older than the age of 15 years (ABS, 1995b). There were 21.3% of women and 16.7% of men involved. The probability of volunteering for both men and women was greatest during their most active child bearing/raising ages (Table 7 ). Older people were involved to a greater extent in community-related activities whereas younger people were involved to a great extent in activities related to their children's interests (Vellekoop-Baldock 1990). Unpaid work is worth $209.7 billion each year to the Australian economy. This represents 58% of the value of the gross domestic product (Encel and Nelson 1998).

	Future Trends

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With the rapidly increasing numbers of older people, there is much debate about likely social and economic consequences. Government policy has sought to contain a major increase in the financial impact of an aging population using a three-pronged approach. First, this has been brought about through legislative measures such as compulsory superannuation and abolition of compulsory retirement. The second prong has been to better target services to frail aged people by the introduction of aged care assessment teams, capping the provision of full-time residential care and the increasing of personal contributions for services such as meals-on-wheels. Gibson 1998 pointed out that the introduction of the necessity for aged-care assessment team approval for institutionalization has resulted in only those with a high level of dependency accessing nursing home care. Length of stay has therefore decreased considerably. Between 1988 and 1993, there was an 18% reduction in the proportion of women aged 80+ years in nursing homes. The third approach encourages older people to undertake behavioral and dietary modifications designed to improve health (lowering cholesterol levels, preventing osteoporosis), thus reducing medical costs and improving the quality of life. Increasing longevity indicates the success of this strategy.

Retirement patterns have the potential to radically moderate the current dependency ratios. These can be manipulated by governments through their control of the age of accessing aged pensions and superannuation benefits. The age at which men become eligible for the aged pension (65 years) has remained stationary throughout this century. However, the position is different for women. Until 8 years ago, the age for women was 60 years. This is now increasing by 3 months per annum until it reaches parity with men. With improved health and longevity, there is no reason to consider that further modifications are not possible. Medical research also has the potential to radically improve the health prospects of older people therefore reducing health expenditure (e.g., the prevention and containment of Alzheimer's disease). Community participation has also been a focus of government intervention through the introduction of seniors' cards and the provision of social and cultural activities at the local level.

From the point of view of family members, older people endeavor to reduce strain on younger family members by contributing services and money while alive, as well as large capital transfers upon death. Older people also endeavor to remain independent and not to be a liability should they become frail. They achieve this by utilizing community services and by entering retirement villages, hostels, and nursing homes once living in their own homes ceases to be an option. Another major long-term effect on succeeding generations results from the grandchild-care provided. This enables many women to continue/return to work and thus to accumulate superannuation benefits. The financial and social value of this is unquantified. Additionally, same generation and intraspouse caring provides the major source of care in old age, thus relieving both governments and adult children of the burden of care.

The balance of benefit is a complex equation. On the one hand, older people are receivers of considerable benefits from governments, and some comparatively short-term assistance from younger generations of family members. On the other hand, they are major monetary and nonmonetary contributors to their families and to the broader community and, with improving health, are taking more responsibility and providing increasing levels of care and support. Most important, the argument in this article is that older people are determined to remain independent. Indeed, rather than the alarmist attitudes held by the media and bureaucrats regarding older people, more emphasis should be placed on the ongoing contributions of this sector of the Australian community.

The points raised in this analysis indicate that Australia is following the worldwide trend of encouraging financial self-sufficiency in old age. There is also a trend in Australia, as in other countries of the organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, to increase the age at which income support is accessible. So far as quantifying the extent of benefit transfers between governments and families, more primary research and secondary data analysis would provide a clearer picture of the impact of the gerontological transition and its implications for policy change.

	Footnotes

 
Address correspondence to Dr. Varoe Legge, School of Behavioural and Community Health Sciences, Faculty of Health Sciences, The University of Sydney, PO Box 170 Lidcombe, New South Wales 2141, Australia. E-mail:

Received for publication March 7, 2000. Accepted for publication June 9, 2000.

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